Journal of the House of Representatives
of the First Session of the 111th General Assembly
of the State of South Carolina
being the Regular Session Beginning Tuesday, January 10, 1995
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Printed Page 550 . . . . . Wednesday, January 25,
1995
Those who voted in the negative are:
Beatty Boan Carnell
Cave Cobb-Hunter Delleney
Govan Harris, P. Harrison
Inabinett Jennings Kirsh
Martin McAbee McCraw
McMahand Moody-Lawrence Spearman
Stoddard Whipper, L. White
Wilder
Total--22
So, having failed to receive the necessary vote, the Joint Resolution was
rejected.
RECORD FOR JOURNAL
I purposefully abstained from voting on H. 3281. To submit a question to the
people of our State that applies to everyone except members of the General
Assembly is wrong. I still hope that we can reach a compromise that does not
protect incumbents only.
Rep. JOSEPH T. McELVEEN, JR.
RECORD FOR JOURNAL
I was absent from the session today because I was representing a client in
Federal District Court in Charleston and could not get out of this case. Had I
been present, I would have voted in favor of the Resolution.
Rep. TERRY E. HASKINS
RECORD FOR JOURNAL
I am for term limits and believe 12 years is reasonable. I will not vote
Printed Page 551 . . . . . Wednesday, January 25,
1995
for a Resolution which does not apply equally to all South
Carolinians.
Rep. ROBERT J. SHEHEEN
RECORD FOR JOURNAL
I voted "no" on this Resolution because I feel strongly that any
legislation should pertain to all citizens. Since this term limit Resolution
exempts the 170 legislators presently serving, I cannot support the legislation.
Rep. MOLLY M. SPEARMAN
RECORD FOR JOURNAL
As I stated in the House Journal on yesterday, I would vote for H. 3281 if it
were amended so as to fairly apply to all citizens and not give special
treatment to current members of the General Assembly. I cannot support the
Resolution as presented without an amendment which allows the people to at least
speak on whether or not term limits should apply to those of us currently
serving.
Rep. DOUGLAS JENNINGS, JR.
RECORD FOR JOURNAL
I will support a term limits Resolution that allows the people to vote to
change the Constitution of South Carolina if it applies to all the people of
South Carolina and does not provide for a special exemption for sitting
legislators.
Rep. F.G. DELLENEY, JR.
RECORD FOR JOURNAL
I am in favor of term limits, being a primary sponsor of such legislation in
previous sessions. But I cannot, and will not, vote for a law that creates a
special exemption for the 170 members of the General Assembly. Laws should
apply equally to all citizens. Therefore, I abstain on this vote but will vote
for a term limits Resolution that takes immediate effect for all citizens.
Rep. J. MICHAEL BAXLEY
RECORD FOR JOURNAL
I am for term limits. I believe they should apply equally to everyone.
Rep. DENNY W. NEILSON
RECORD FOR JOURNAL
I abstained from voting for H. 3281 (term limits) because it exempted
Printed Page 552 . . . . . Wednesday, January 25,
1995
all sitting legislators and did not apply equally and unfairly
protected the incumbents.
Rep. TIMOTHY C. WILKES
Rep. THOMAS N. RHOAD
RECORD FOR JOURNAL
I cannot in good conscience support any measure which provides special
consideration to members of the General Assembly by grandfathering member's
current and prior service.
Rep. E. DeWITT McCRAW
H. 3281--RECONSIDERED
Rep. HARRISON moved to reconsider the vote whereby the following Joint
Resolution was rejected, which was agreed to.
H. 3281 -- Judiciary Committee: A JOINT RESOLUTION PROPOSING AN AMENDMENT TO
ARTICLE III, SECTION 2 OF THE CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH CAROLINA, 1895, RELATING TO
THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, SO AS TO PROVIDE THAT HOUSE MEMBERS MAY SERVE
ONLY
SIX COMPLETE TWO-YEAR TERMS AND TO PROVIDE THAT HOUSE MEMBERS SERVING IN
OFFICE
WHEN THIS PROVISION IS RATIFIED INTO LAW MAY COMPLETE THE TERM WHICH THEY ARE
CURRENTLY SERVING PLUS SIX NEW TERMS THEREAFTER; PROPOSING AN AMENDMENT TO
ARTICLE III, SECTION 6 OF THE CONSTITUTION, RELATING TO THE SENATE, SO AS TO
PROVIDE THAT SENATORS MAY SERVE ONLY THREE COMPLETE FOUR-YEAR TERMS, TO
PROVIDE
THAT SENATORS SERVING IN OFFICE WHEN THIS PROVISION IS RATIFIED INTO LAW MAY
COMPLETE THE TERM WHICH THEY ARE CURRENTLY SERVING PLUS THREE NEW TERMS
THEREAFTER, AND TO REVISE CERTAIN OBSOLETE REFERENCES; AND PROPOSING AN
AMENDMENT TO ARTICLE VI, SECTION 7 OF THE CONSTITUTION, RELATING TO THE
CONSTITUTIONAL OFFICERS OF THIS STATE, SO AS TO PROVIDE THAT CONSTITUTIONAL
OFFICERS MAY SERVE ONLY THREE COMPLETE FOUR-YEAR TERMS AND TO PROVIDE THAT
CONSTITUTIONAL OFFICERS SERVING IN OFFICE WHEN THIS PROVISION IS RATIFIED INTO
LAW MAY COMPLETE THE TERM WHICH THEY ARE CURRENTLY SERVING PLUS THREE NEW
TERMS
THEREAFTER.
Printed Page 553 . . . . . Wednesday, January 25,
1995
Rep. HUFF moved that the House recede until 6:30 P.M., which
was adopted.
Further proceedings were interrupted by the House receding.
THE HOUSE RESUMES
At 6:30 P.M. the House resumed, the SPEAKER in the Chair.
HOUSE STANDS AT EASE
The House stood at ease subject to the call of Chair.
THE HOUSE RESUMES
At 6:55 P.M. the House resumed, the SPEAKER in the Chair.
JOINT ASSEMBLY
At 7:00 P.M. the Senate appeared in the Hall of the House.
The President of the Senate called the Joint Assembly to order and announced
that it had convened under the terms of a Concurrent Resolution adopted by both
Houses.
S. 382 -- Senators Courson, Alexander, Bryan, Cork, Courtney, Drummond, Elliott,
Ford, Giese, Glover, Gregory, Hayes, Holland, Jackson, Land, Lander, Leatherman,
Leventis, Martin, Matthews, McConnell, McGill, Mescher, Mitchell, Moore, O'Dell,
Passailaigue, Patterson, Peeler, Rankin, Reese, Richter, Rose, Russell, Ryberg,
Saleeby, Setzler, Short, Greg Smith, J. Verne Smith, Stilwell, Thomas, Waldrep,
Washington, Williams and Wilson: A CONCURRENT RESOLUTION INVITING HIS
EXCELLENCY, DAVID M. BEASLEY, GOVERNOR OF THE STATE OF SOUTH CAROLINA, TO
ADDRESS THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY IN JOINT SESSION AT 7:00 P.M. ON WEDNESDAY,
JANUARY
25, 1995.
Governor David M. Beasley and distinguished party were escorted to the rostrum
by Senators Courtney, Wilson, Courson, J. Verne Smith and Martin and
Representatives J. HARRIS, McKAY, WELLS, BEATTY and LAW. The President of the
Senate introduced Governor Beasley who then addressed the Joint Assembly as
follows:
ADDRESS BY GOVERNOR DAVID M. BEASLEY
"Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Ladies and Gentlemen of the 111th General
Assembly, Constitutional Officers, cabinet nominees, my wife,
Printed Page 554 . . . . . Wednesday, January 25,
1995
Mary Wood, my fellow South Carolinians... In preparing my
address on the state of our State, I thought back to a January day in 1979 when
I took my seat as a freshman House member. My excitement that day was bolstered
by hope, the hope of a young person who would someday build a family and a home.
Now, 16 years later, my enthusiasm has not diminished, and my hope for our
families is the same, that we will have the heart to lead with courage. We
worked together on this House floor to guide South Carolina into a new era of
growth. We were innovative when we had to be. We were bold in our zeal to
affect meaningful change, and always we were respectful of the statesmen who
gave us freedom when it was our time to lead. Speaker Wilkins, Lieutenant
Governor Peeler, I know you share my respect for this institution and for the
institution of the family in South Carolina, and I look forward to working with
you in the coming years. I submit to you this evening that a new era began on
June 30, 1993, the day the Government Restructuring Act became law, outlining a
more efficient and more responsive government for our people. As I said in my
inaugural address, `We have initiated fundamental change in the structure of our
government. Now we must initiate fundamental change in our philosophy of
governing.' We must realize that everything we do to implement restructuring
sets a precedent for tomorrow's leaders. It has been a great experience forming
my cabinet, bringing together various experts who share my philosophy of putting
families first. Ladies and gentlemen, it is my pleasure to present my cabinet
nominees and I ask them to stand to be recognized. Each has pledged to
re-evaluate every program and policy within their respective agencies, being
especially mindful of the impact on businesses and families. I am asking my
cabinet, with the exception of the departments of Corrections and Juvenile
Justice, to develop a plan to reduce expenditures five percent over the next two
years. We will abandon policies that inhibit growth and eliminate wasteful
programs, yet maintain the high level of service our citizens deserve, and I
urge you to reduce non-cabinet agencies, with the exception of the Department of
Education, by five percent, as well. The idea behind restructuring is to
coordinate services and I will insist on cooperation in my cabinet. My
departments of Commerce and Parks, Recreation and Tourism have a common goal, to
bring jobs and dollars to South Carolina. Already, they are working to
coordinate international marketing efforts. My departments of Juvenile Justice
and Alcohol and Other Drug Abuse Services are pooling resources to help
teenagers and their families address substance abuse problems through
community-based prevention initiatives. As we continue this process of
restructuring, other issues will become apparent
Printed Page 555 . . . . . Wednesday, January 25,
1995
that we will need to address. One is bringing accountability to
all state agencies. Hands-on management of state agencies by someone responsible
directly to the people is the greatest benefit of restructuring, and in your
efforts to make the rest of state government more accountable, you will hear
much weeping and wailing from special interests. They are motivated by turf
protection after so many years at the public trough and I urge you to say no to
them. An issue that has captured the imagination of the public and put elected
officials on notice is term limits. In the spirit of government reform, the
House Judiciary Committee sent a term limits bill to the floor last week, and in
that same spirit, I will sign a reasonable bill that is not watered down in
debate. I am as ready as you are to ban street money on election day. As we are
redefining state government, there is a national movement to stop our federal
government from interfering in local matters. The nation's governors agree that
Washington infringes on our sovereignty when it orders us to comply with laws
but provides no funding. The Motor Voter Law is a prime example, and we agree
that voter registration should be easy. The issue is who will govern South
Carolina: us or them? I say us; but let's not be hypocritical. We, too,
should refrain from sending state mandates to local governments unless we pay
for them. American democracy was founded on a system of checks and balances, but
government today is writing entirely too many checks. It's time to balance with
the people. Tonight I propose the largest tax cut in South Carolina's history
to eliminate residential property taxes. We can put the dream of owning a home
within reach for young families across the State without raising taxes. Our
current budget is 400 million dollars more than last year and a property tax
relief proposal was rejected. We expect approximately 370 million dollars more
in available revenue this year. Government should tighten its belt and make a
200 million dollar down payment this year on the American dream for South
Carolina's families. After that, we can eliminate residential property taxes by
committing half of each year's projected growth to a Property Tax Relief Fund.
Like other state reserve funds, it would be a mandated budget commitment until
the phaseout is complete. In Greenville County alone, eliminating residential
property taxes will return 68 million dollars to family budgets. In Aiken
County -- 20 point-five million dollars. In York County -- more than 26 million
dollars, and in Beaufort and Charleston counties, where military downsizing
continues to threaten local economies, the total impact would be more than 55
million dollars. The Board of Economic Advisors projects steady revenue growth
over the next five years. We will never have a better opportunity to give this
money back to the taxpayers. Let's not kid ourselves; it won't be easy. We'll
Printed Page 556 . . . . . Wednesday, January 25,
1995
have to make some tough choices, but a tax increase sends the
wrong signal to the people and to the business community. They don't want more
taxes. They want less government and more take-home pay. Since property taxes
make up the bulk of local government funding, my Department of Revenue will
develop an equitable formula for returning money to local governments. I will
insist that school boards and local governments have full authority over
spending their money, and let me be clear: if we eliminate residential property
taxes, they are gone forever and cannot be reinstated, and just to make sure our
system of checks and balances continues to work like the framers of the
Constitution intended, I propose one more check to our system by calling for the
people's right to vote on proposed tax increases. Of course, the best way to
raise new revenue is to create new jobs and opportunities. As a member of this
General Assembly, I worked closely with many of you to pass job-creating
incentives that have worked so well. We had an edge on the competition for
awhile, and we became a model for Southeastern states. They adopted many of our
incentives and have been innovative in developing their own. To remain
competitive, we will reorganize the Department of Commerce. We will stimulate
small business development and growth of existing industries. We will emphasize
government's role as a partner in the job creation process. We will listen to
you, the business community. We will ask you to help us educate our children so
they will have the skills needed to lead your business someday. We will insist
on your involvement in curriculum development. We will develop incentives for
donations of computers and other tools students will use in the work place. We
will streamline the business start-up process and ask for legislation to extend
job creation tax credits and other incentives to small businesses. Within the
department, we will also focus on trade. Our exports total nearly five billion
dollars today, yet fewer than half of our existing industries export our quality
South Carolina products to world markets. For every billion dollars we increase
exports, we can create 20 thousand new jobs, 10 times the number BMW will create
in the upstate. As we accelerate into the fast lane of the Information
Superhighway, we will use the latest database marketing techniques to link South
Carolina companies and buyers around the world. In this era of growth the
Department of Commerce must be more than an industry recruiter. It must develop
communities. Our most important economic development asset is leadership.
Through the department, we will assist in recruiting and training tomorrow's
community leaders. We will expand technology where it's needed and extend the
business base beyond county lines. After all, businesses ultimately locate in
communities in states that promote a pro-growth
Printed Page 557 . . . . . Wednesday, January 25,
1995
atmosphere. I come from a rural area where every job is precious
and every business depends on the success of neighboring businesses. Our rural
areas, and some metropolitan areas, contain pockets of depression where new jobs
and hope are desperately needed. Last month Williamsburg County and the
Charleston area were named federal enterprise areas to provide an infusion of
money and incentives for job creation. They are but two of 17 South Carolina
areas that applied. Tonight I propose the South Carolina Enterprise Zone Act.
It encourages hiring from distressed areas or from low income households. It
allows businesses to reinvest a portion of employees' state income tax,
negotiate a lower property tax and qualify for job tax credits. Every time we
provide a new incentive and cut taxes we put South Carolinians to work and we
strengthen families. We believe loving families provide the nurturing atmosphere
in which South Carolina's children can best grow and develop. We believe
parents should support their children, and taxpayers are a last resort, and we
believe we can strengthen families by encouraging employment. It is the role of
government to create an atmosphere of opportunity in which families can thrive.
Since the 1930's America has spent five trillion dollars on public assistance
programs... more than the cost of World War II. People want to work, but we
have given them more than 300 federal entitlement programs instead of a reason
to get a job. Today the Department of Social Services is a welfare agency with
minor emphasis on employment and training. It should be an employment and
training agency that provides public assistance when it is needed. Our system
encourages illegitimacy, discourages work and leads to hopelessness, despair and
the breakdown of families. I join governors and congressional leaders in calling
for more autonomy at the state level. Give us general guidelines. We cannot
and will not accept more mandates. The debate will rage in Washington, but we
can begin tonight in South Carolina by placing a two-year limit on welfare
benefits. I ask you to require work and enrollment in job training programs for
those getting our tax dollars. If they refuse, they can say farewell to
welfare. I ask you to extend job tax credits to companies hiring able-bodied
AFDC recipients and replace cash grants with income-eligible child care and
health care. I ask you to stop paying more to those who continue having
children while on welfare, especially teenagers. That doesn't mean we won't
help. We can help by enforcing responsibility. We should require the father's
name on birth certificates. We should enforce child support payments by
tracking the father through a statewide network of court, welfare and employment
records. Even if a young man is not working today, he will eventually. We
should track employment,
Printed Page 558 . . . . . Wednesday, January 25,
1995
suspend driver and professional licenses, intercept unemployment
benefits and dock his pay for child support. These proposals may sound harsh to
some, but responsibility goes with being a citizen of this State. I can assure
you that I want to help the least of society. But there are limits. The laws of
God and the laws of man clearly define socially acceptable behavior. Yet, in
our haste to become politically correct, we have clouded the difference between
right and wrong. We allow crime to be blamed on anyone and everyone, except the
person who commits it. Criminals whine to judges that their rights are violated
and judges too often agree with them. A South Carolina judge sent a bill to
taxpayers recently. It itemized defense costs we must pay for a murder suspect
as follows: two private investigators, four thousand dollars each; a social
historian, three thousand dollars; a social worker, another three thousand
dollars; a jury selection expert, two thousand dollars plus travel expenses; two
expert witnesses totaling three thousand dollars; and 200 dollars for an image
consultant, plus 500 dollars to buy the defendant a suit. Since when do we do
make-overs for murder suspects? At what point in the evolution of our society
did we forget about the rights of the true victims of crime? Criminals are not
afraid of us. We have laws to put them behind bars, but they often walk out of
prison before victims leave the hospital. I commend the House for its quick work
in passing a truth-in-sentencing bill. As work continues in the Senate on this
bill, I urge you to totally eliminate parole for murderers, rapists and other
violent criminals and provide for life without parole for a second violent
conviction, and when they go to prison, they should work and they should work
hard. We must make prison a place for punishment, a place to which no one would
ever want to return. Inmates should pay for their room and board with any money
they earn. They should help support their families to keep them off welfare,
and, above all, they should pay restitution to victims. The General Assembly
last year approved alternative sentencing for non-violent offenders. They take
up half of South Carolina's prison beds. Their punishment should include full
restitution to victims and community-based public service programs. That can
clear a lot of room to put violent offenders and three-time non-violent felons
away for good. We can start cracking down now or lose the next generation to
this moral meltdown of America which was precipitated by the breakdown of the
family. Our fastest growing criminal segment is our nation's children. Law
enforcement professionals and sociologists say it has nothing to do with race or
social class. South Carolina's shocking truth is that a third of the victims
and a third of those arrested for murder, a third of those arrested for rape, a
third of those arrested for aggravated
Printed Page 559 . . . . . Wednesday, January 25,
1995
assault and nearly half of those arrested for robbery are under
the age of 21. What are we saying to a young thug who appears in family court
and almost literally gets away with murder? What are we saying when a judge
orders a child to attend school and can't enforce the order? And what will we
say to the next victim of a violent juvenile? The Wall Street Journal correctly
stated that today's juvenile offender isn't getting the message that crime
doesn't pay. He may not even get the message that what he's done is wrong.
Violent juveniles and those who commit a second felony should be tried and
sentenced as adults. When they come of age, they can graduate to the adult
prison population to serve their time. Juveniles in minor trouble need to be
targeted with punishment, especially restitution for property crimes, and if we
hold parents responsible for their child's behavior, we might be on the way to
solving prison overcrowding problems. We, as parents, are our children's first
and most important teachers. If we truly believe in putting families first, we
need to remind ourselves that government is not a babysitter and schools are not
daycare centers. There's no doubt that I have more control over my three small
children today than I will when they are 16, but there are certain things we, as
parents, should know. We ought to know where our children are on a school
night. We ought to know if our children are buying drugs, and we ought to know
if our children are carrying weapons to school. We have a right to expect that
our children will be safe in a school building or on a school bus. Have we
become so jaded that a metal detector in a classroom door seems normal? Tonight
I call for an amendment to the Safe Schools Act to require an immediate six
months in shock incarceration boot camp for any student carrying a weapon on
school grounds. Each of us is responsible for the development of South
Carolina's children. We are right to worry about their future but wrong if we
don't nurture them today. Discipline will keep our children safer than a metal
detector. Respect for authority will put teachers back in control of
classrooms. We cannot forget that what we teach today's child is the substance
of tomorrow's adult. It is through the family that children learn discipline and
respect and compassion and enterprise. These indispensable lessons of life
should be taught in the home and practiced in public. For children whose own
families have failed to nurture and protect them, new families must be built.
We must not wait until a child dies to examine our priorities. To that end I am
announcing the creation of a children's advocate on my staff who will have two
missions: to analyze every government program that serves children and to
recommend to you and me how we can serve them better within the context of
traditional values. I will instruct my children's advocate to ignore agency
boundaries.
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| Printed Page 560, Jan. 25
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